Amir Taheri: differenze tra le versioni
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Corretto: "libero arbitrio" |
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Riga 67:
:''If we regard Iran as a nation, there is no reason it shouldn't have correct relations with the United States or any other country. Decades of opinion polls show that a majority of Iranians have a good opinion of America. But Iran today suffers from a split personality: It is both a nation and, as the Islamic Republic, also a messianic cause. And the Islamic Republic of Iran, far from being part of the solution, is at the root of the conflict tearing the Middle East apart.''<ref>{{en}} Da ''Have the Mullah's Abandoned their Dreams of Empire?'', ''Elaph.com'', 16 novembre 2014.</ref>
*Quando chiesi a [[Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto|Bhutto]] cosa ne pensava di [[Hafiz al-Asad|Asad]], descrisse il leader siriano come "il levantino". Sapendo che, come lui, ero un avido lettore di gialli, il primo ministro pakistano sapeva che avrei afferrato il concetto. Fu solo pochi mesi dopo però quando, avendo letto il romanzo del 1972 di Eric Ambler ''Il levantino'', che capii la rappresentazione a una parola scritta di Hafiz al-Asad da parte di Bhutto. Ne ''Il levantino'', l'eroe, o l'antieroe se preferite, è un uomo d'affari britannico che, avendo vissuto in Siria per anni, si è quasi "integrato" ed è diventato un uomo d'identità incerta. È un po' di questo e un po' di quello, e un po' di tutto il resto, in una regione che è un mosaico di minoranze. Non crede in niente e non è leale con nessuno. Potrebbe essere tuo amico al mattino ma tradirti alla sera. Ha solo due scopi nella vita: sopravvivere e fare soldi [...] Oggi, [[Bashar al-Assad]] interpreta il ruolo del figlio del levantino, offrendo i suoi servizi a qualsiasi potenziale cliente attraverso colloqui con chiunque passa per l'angolo di Damasco dove si nasconde. A prima vista, il levantino può sembrare allettante per coloro che sono coinvolti in giochi sporchi. Alla fine però, il levantino deve tradire il suo pagatore attuale per incominciare a servirne uno nuovo. Quattro anni fa, Bashar si affiancò all'asse
:''When I asked Bhutto what he thought of Assad, he described the Syrian leader as "The Levanter." Knowing that, like himself, I was a keen reader of thrillers, the Pakistani Prime Minister knew that I would get the message. However, it was only months later when, having read Eric Ambler's 1972 novel The Levanter that I understood Bhutto's one-word pen portrayal of Hafez Al-Assad. In The Levanter the hero, or anti-hero if you prefer, is a British businessman who, having lived in Syria for years, has almost "gone native" and become a man of uncertain identity. He is a bit of this and a bit of that, and a bit of everything else, in a region that is a mosaic of minorities. He doesn't believe in anything and is loyal to no one. He could be your friend in the morning but betray you in the evening. He has only two goals in life: to survive and to make money [...] Today, Bashar Al-Assad is playing the role of the son of the Levanter, offering his services to any would-be buyer through interviews with whoever passes through the corner of Damascus where he is hiding. At first glance, the Levanter may appear attractive to those engaged in sordid games. In the end, however, the Levanter must betray his existing paymaster in order to begin serving a new one. Four years ago, Bashar switched to the Tehran-Moscow axis and is now trying to switch back to the Tel-Aviv-Washington one that he and his father served for decades. However, if the story has one lesson to teach, it is that the Levanter is always the source of the problem, rather than part of the solution. ISIS is there because almost half a century of repression by the Assads produced the conditions for its emergence. What is needed is a policy based on the truth of the situation in which both Assad and ISIS are parts of the same problem.''<ref>{{en}} Da [http://www.aawsat.net/2015/02/article55341622/opinion-like-father-like-son ''Opinion: Like Father, Like Son''], ''Ashraq Al-Awsat'', 20 febbraio 2015.</ref>
*Khamenei non è il primo governante dell'Iran con cui i poeti si sono trovati nei guai. Per quasi dodici secoli la poesia è stata il principale mezzo d'espressione del popolo iraniano. L'Iran potrebbe essere l'unico paese in cui non si trova una sola casa con almeno un libro di poesie. All'inizio, i poeti persiani ebbero difficoltà nel definire il loro ruolo nella società. I regnanti appena convertiti all'Islam sospettarono che i poeti stavano cercando di riportare in auge la fede zoroastriana per minare la nuova religione. Il clero vedeva i poeti come persone che desideravano tenere in vita la lingua persiana e perciò sabotare l'ascesa dell'arabo come la nuova ''lingua franca''. Senza
:''Khamenei is not the first ruler of Iran with whom poets have run into trouble. For some 12 centuries poetry has been the Iranian people's principal medium of expression. Iran may be the only country where not a single home is found without at least one book of poems. Initially, Persian poets had a hard time to define their place in society. The newly converted Islamic rulers suspected the poets of trying to revive the Zoroastrian faith to undermine the new religion. Clerics saw poets as people who wished to keep the Persian language alive and thus sabotage the ascent of Arabic as the new'' lingua franca. ''Without the early Persian poets, Iranians might have ended up like so many other nations in the Middle East who lost their native languages and became Arabic speakers. Early on, Persian poets developed a strategy to check the ardor of the rulers and the mullahs. They started every'' qasida ''with praise to God and Prophet followed by panegyric for the ruler of the day. Once those “obligations” were out of the way they would move on to the real themes of the poems they wished to compose. Everyone knew that there was some trick involved but everyone accepted the result because it was good. Despite that ''modus vivendi'' some poets did end up in prison or in exile while many others spent their lives in hardship if not poverty. However, poets were never put to the sword. The Khomeinist regime is the first in Iran's history to have executed so many poets. Implicitly or explicitly, some rulers made it clear what the poet couldn't write. But none ever dreamt of telling the poet what he should write. Khamenei is the first to try to dictate to poets, accusing them of “crime” and “betrayal” if they ignored his injunctions.''<ref name="dictatespoetry">{{en}} Da ''[http://www.aawsat.net/2015/07/article55344336/when-the-ayatollah-dictates-poetry When the Ayatollah Dictates Poetry]'', ''Ashraq Al-Awsat'', 11 luglio 2015.</ref>
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