Amir Taheri: differenze tra le versioni
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→The Unknown Life of the Shah: modifiche. |
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Riga 108:
:''The Shah himself was uncomfortable in the role of the martyr. His character favoured acts of heroism. He wanted to be a winner, as he had been at the school sports tournaments at Lucerne. His European education prevented him from understanding the psychology of his own people. He did not know that the Persians instinctively suspected and disliked the strong, the winner and the hero. They obeyed Reza Shah but never loved him: now they loved Mohammad-Reza Shah but did not wish to obey him. The Shah's almost pathological dislike for what he saw as "filthy politics" prevented him from understanding the necessity – not to say the legitimacy – of flattering at least a part of popular prejudices.'' (p. 70)
*[[Mohammad Mossadeq|Mossadeq]] faceva ridere e piangere le folle. Confermava i loro pregiudizi e le loro superstizioni e lusingava le loro vanità – erano, nella maggior parte dei casi, tutto ciò che
:''Mossadeq made the crowds laugh and cry. He confirmed their prejudices and superstitions and flattered their vanities – they were, in most cases, all they had left. They loved him, but did he love them? No one could know for sure.'' (p. 123)
Riga 114:
:''As queen, Farah achieved almost immediate popularity. She had several features that pleased the Iranians: she was "fully Iranian" and also worthy of honour because she descended from the family of the Prophet. She was a brunette with deep black eyes of the kind most Persians cherish. (The Shah's outlandish taste for blondes was not shared by his compatriots.) Farah appeared to be slightly taller than the Shah, but this could not be held against her. The new queen's athletic physique and her well-publicised love of sports disconcerted some religious circles, but even the more conservative Iranians now understood that times were changing.'' (p. 162)
*La visione dello Scià della forma ideale di governo non era molto lontana da quella di Mossadeq. In quel modello ideale un solo uomo, il re, primo ministro o Pishva [Führer] avrebbe agito come il guardiano dei più alti interessi della nazione. Il Pishva, poiché ama il suo popolo, non avrebbe mai potuto fare nulla che potesse essere dannoso per il popolo e il paese. Avrebbe potuto sacrificare gli interessi dei pochi a beneficio di molti. Ma non avrebbe mai nuociuto "al popolo" o "alla nazione" nel suo complesso. La versione di Mossadeq dello stesso modello immaginava un ruolo per le masse, per i gruppi politici – ma non per i partiti politici – e le associazioni religiose, la cui funzione era di sostenere il Pishva lottando contro i suoi avversari e facendolo sentire amato e stimato. Nel modello dello Scià, le decisioni del Pishva dovevano essere eseguite esclusivamente
:''The Shah's vision of the ideal form of government was not so far removed from that of Mossadeq. In that ideal model one man, the king, prime minister or Pishva [Führer] would act as the guardian of the nation's highest interests. The Pishva, because he loves his people, could never do anything that might not be good for the people and the country. He might sacrifice the interests of the few for the benefit of the many. But he would never harm "the people" or "the nation" as a whole. Mossadeq's version of the same model envisaged a role for crowds, political groups – though not for political parties – and religious associations whose task was to support the Pishva by fighting his opponents and making him feel loved and cherished. In the Shah's model, the Pishva's decisions were to be carried out exclusively through the bureaucracy with the armed forces always ready to crush any opposition. All that was left for "the nation" to do was applaud the Pishva and make him feel good. Mossadeq and the Shah advanced exactly the same argument in defence of their respective models: Iran, being constantly prey to the devilish appetite of the rapacious foreign powers, the influence of the ajnabi (foreigners), multiplying the centres of political power would allow the ajnabi to infiltrate the nation's structures. Neither man could invisage a situation in which different sections of the Iranian society might, for reasons of their own, oppose the Leader. They could conceive of no circumstances in which an opposition movement could emerge without foreign backing and intrigue.'' (p. 168)
*La persuasione dello
:''Reza Shah's belief that most of Iran's ills stemmed from its "Arabsadeghi" (literally: being hit by Arabisation) had brought ancient Iran back into official political discourse as the cornerstone of a new national identity. With Reza Shah forced into exile, the re-Iranisation effort had been abandoned in the chaos and confusion of war and political crisis. Mohammad-Reza Shah's own Islamic beliefs made him a far less enthusiastic "re-Iraniser" than his father had been. But in the 1960s Mohammad-Reza Shah rediscovered Persian nationalism as a potentially attractive alternative to two ideologies that, he was convinced, threatened Iran's well-being and independence: mullah-dominated shi'ism and Soviet-sponsored Communism.'' (p. 173)
*Lo Scià Mohammad Reza
:''Mohammad-Reza Shah believed that nothing was too good for Iran and had persuaded himself that, provided the nation followed him with conviction, the sky was the limit of what could be achieved. His idealism, his activisim, his thirst for achievement and his belief that the machinery of government could be employed as an instrument of radical change reflected his Western education and outlook. Traditionally, however the Iranian Shahs, with few exceptions, saw their task as one of managing society, not changing it. They represented society's inertia. What is known as "constructivism" – the idea that a society can be reshaped in accordance with plans worked out by its leaders – was alien to them. They shared the belief of the common folk that government was, at best, a necessary evil. All that most Iranians had traditionally wanted from their government was that they be left alone to go about their business in peace. The government was a monster that took from them without ever giving anything back. It could not be trusted and was to be cheated at every available opportunity.'' (p. 175)
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